Police meet Ferdinand’s supporters after rebel leader’s killing in Gonaïves

GONAÏVES — Haitian police envoys flew into Gonaïves on Friday to face angry supporters of Wilfort “Ti Wil” Ferdinand, the former rebel commander shot dead by officers earlier this week. His killing has reignited old wounds in the Artibonite stronghold of past uprisings, stirring protests and fears of renewed violence.

The delegation—composed of former departmental police directors Paul Ménard Jean-Louis, Jean Castro Prévil and Max Vital Artiste; and district delegate Marado Clavanet—flew in aboard a United Nations helicopter. Their mission, officials said, was to “listen and collect grievances” after police killed Ferdinand, 58, and three other unidentified individuals during a Sept. 16 traffic stop.

At a closed-door meeting held at the Raboteau Comprehensive Diagnostic Health Center, Ferdinand’s allies accused the Artibonite police chief, Jacques Ader, of ordering the fatal operation they called ‘an assassination’. 

“We demanded Ader’s dismissal and arrest, as well as justice and reparations,” said Antoine Cénobe, a close ally of Ferdinand. 

“But the delegation only listened. They gave us no commitments. We will continue to mobilize until justice is served.”

Ferdinand was a central figure in Haiti’s modern history. As leader of the Artibonite Resistance Front (FRA), a regional paramilitary group, he helped spearhead the 2004 armed rebellion that toppled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. He was also implicated in human rights abuses during and after that conflict. He was later jailed for the murder of a young girl, before receiving a 2014 pardon from President Michel Martelly.

In recent months, residents said, Ferdinand had reemerged in Raboteau, backing land disputes and instructing armed men to fortify neighborhoods ahead of protests against the transitional government or police. His supporters portray him as a defender of democracy; critics see him as a violent opportunist who used politics and guns to shield criminal activity.

As one of Gonaïves’ influential and illegal gunmen, Ferdinand acted as an agent for the heirs of the Monpremier and Arnoux families, who have claimed large swathes of land in Labadie and Canal Bois. For some time, these heirs had been in conflict with the Géffrard family over approximately 3,000 acres of land, stretching from Gonaïves to the border of Gros-Morne, a neighboring commune.

Ferdinand regularly visited the land to prevent other families from encroaching on these properties. Following a decision by the Gonaïves Court of First Instance, the Arnoux and Monpremier families were authorized to enforce the judgment against many families who built homes on properties purchased from the Géffrard heirs. However, a government commissioner later requested a pause on enforcing the court order— pending an appeal or a possible settlement between the parties— to prevent too many families from becoming homeless after investing thousands of dollars in homes built on the disputed land.

Witnesses said that Ferdinand and his men, killed in the Sept. 16 incident, were leaving the area when the police reportedly ordered the vehicle to stop. According to Djery Bien-Aimé, one of Ferdinand’s combatant companions, echoing the witnesses’ testimonies, the driver was not given the chance to comply. 

“The officers abruptly opened fire on the car, killing Ti Will and the other people,” he lamented.

Risks of renewed violence

Ferdinand’s killing triggered at least three protests in Gonaïves, with supporters burning tires and vowing to escalate demonstrations. Another large march is planned for this Monday. “We are determined to see this through,” said supporter Djery Bien-Aimé in an interview with The Haitian Times. “We will not let Ti Wil’s death go unanswered.”

For Risnel Clédanor, a local journalist, the unrest highlights the fragility of security in Haiti’s Artibonite, a region that has often been the birthplace of political uprisings. “Gonaïves is filled with heavy weapons,” he said. “The risk of escalating armed confrontation with police is very likely and can be very harmful to vulnerable residents, as it has often been the case.”

Raboteau, the seaside neighborhood where Ferdinand built his base, has been a stronghold of resistance since the uprising against the Duvalier dictatorship in the 1980s. It was also the site of a 1994 massacre, in which soldiers and paramilitaries killed dozens of civilians— mostly Aristide’s supporters.

Police officials acknowledge the stakes. “The situation is delicate,” one senior officer told The Haitian Times, speaking on the condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter. “We want to prevent this from spiraling into another cycle of armed mobilization in Raboteau.”

“Police had no intention of killing anyone,” spokesperson Michel-Ange Louis Jeune told The Associated Press. “Ferdinand had approached the checkpoint in a car with tinted windows only to back up and then open fire on officers, who returned fire and killed him and an unidentified person traveling with him.” 

Jeune said it was a routine checkpoint aimed at cracking down on the notorious Kokorat San Ras gang, which operates in the Artibonite region and is known for its extreme violence.

Gruesome pictures of the killing were shared on social media, sparking ongoing protests in Gonaïves.

Ferdinand was known as Kòmandan Ti Wil and an ally of Guy Philippe, another former rebel leader convicted by the United States for drug trafficking and money laundering.

The Haitian National Police (PNH) has said little publicly beyond confirming the operation that led to Ferdinand’s death. The delegation’s visit, however, signals recognition that heavy-handed tactics alone could worsen tensions. Analysts note that gangs and armed groups in Artibonite may exploit the unrest to expand their influence, as they have in other provincial towns.

The Transitional Presidential Council (CPT) has yet to comment directly, but political observers warn that failing to engage Ferdinand’s family and supporters could plunge Gonaïves into deeper instability. “This is a test of whether the state can manage dissent without igniting a rebellion,” said Clédanor.

For the government, the challenge is not only preventing violence but also reconciling with Ferdinand’s supporters, many of whom still see him as a political figure rather than a criminal. 

As Antoine Cénobe, one supporter, put it: “We are citizens of Raboteau. We do not accept the way Jacques Ader killed Wilfort Ferdinand. We are not bandits, but political activists who want to see this country change.”

Violence in the wider Artibonite continues. On Sunday, Sept. 21, residents of L’Estère reported that the Kokorat San Ras gang looted homes and farms in the Kapenyen locality, killing livestock and forcing dozens to flee. The attack, coming just days after Ferdinand’s death, has heightened fears that Haiti’s most fertile region could slip further into chaos.

Who was Wilfort “Ti Wil” Ferdinand?

• Name: Wilfort Ferdinand, known as “Ti Wil”
• Born: c. 1967
• Role in 2004 anti-Lavalas movement: Co-leader of the Artibonite Resistance Front, pivotal in the armed uprising that ousted President Aristide.
• Reputation: Seen by supporters as a “defender of democracy,” but accused by rights groups of being a notorious abuser.
• Criminal record:
  
  • Convicted of murdering a young girl; pardoned in 2014.
  • Served on Haiti’s Disarmament Commission briefly.
• Recent Activities: Chief enforcer in land disputes around Gonaïves; accused of using armed men to deprive people of their property.
• Death: Shot dead by police during a Sept. 16, 2025 traffic stop.
• Legacy: Polarizing—both a symbol of rebellion and a figure tied to Haiti’s cycle of violence.